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Densho Digital Archives - Japanese American History

While anti-Japanese sentiments have since decreased since World War II, there remains a long-winded history in the United States that often rears its ugly head against Asian Americans in times of crisis. Understanding the foundation for anti-Asian racism could allow us to reflect on the nation’s past and work towards a more inclusive and accepting future. The active decision to address and move past ingrained prejudice, while supporting those who have been discriminated against within society, can lead to progress and a more unified populace.   Through the use of Clio, local stories can be placed in a national context and given specific locations for future narratives. While information pertaining to additional marginalized groups was scarce, the project may be expanded upon as more research is conducted in the future. Such research could further contextualize the narrative within the national scope of World War II. Additionally, this project could be expanded in an interdisciplinary context. For example, Japanese American literature from incarceration camps could be included to further understand the impact of World War II on Japanese America.Anti-Asian racism is still highly prevalent in American society. Additional resources on how to support Asian American communities in the United States are located below.

About the Project

Anti-Japanese sentiments have a long history in the United States, and fear and anger during World War II exacerbated racial tensions between the United States and Japan. The implementation of Executive Order 9066, and the ensuing incarceration of over 100,000 Japanese Americans, sparked diverse reactions. Local mindsets reflected national perceptions through the acceptance of second generation Japanese American, or Nisei, students at Park College near Kansas City. Underlying racial foundations contributed to the “othering” of both Japanese Americans and the Japanese people. Additionally, blatant racism towards those with Japanese heritage became increasingly visible due to wartime anger towards Japan. Local sentiments reflected the complex reactions to Japanese American confinement, with a shocking amount of support for Nisei students in a community that had little exposure to Japanese communities. Despite complex reactions to Japanese American incarceration, anti-Japanese sentiments permeated the media and personal accounts of white Americans throughout the war. Overall, the historic anti-Asian racism often reappears and escalates in times of distress between the United States and Asian countries.Warning: Please be advised, this tour contains documents and artifacts that include derogatory and racially insensitive language used in the 1940s.

While past iterations of anti-Japanese racism adopted similar arguments as the Chinese exclusion movement, the rise of the Japanese exclusion movement of the early 1900s experienced arguments unique to Japanese immigration. Japan’s growing military power caused unease among Americans, allowing the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League to latch onto such fears to advocate against Japanese immigration (Hirobe 3). While exclusionists used Japan’s military success as an argument against Japanese immigration, many leaders in the United States, including President Theodore Roosevelt, did not support strict Japanese exclusion as they did not want to damage relations between the United States and Japan (Daniels 121). The exclusion movement thus had to adopt other arguments, such as the perceived protection of American laborers, to further expand their movement.The League wanted to achieve complete exclusion of Japanese immigrants, first and foremost, followed by more extreme exclusion of additional Asian immigrants, in order to prevent white labor workers from competing with Asian laborers for jobs (Asiatic Exclusion League Minutes, December 1907). Thus, several years into its existence, the organization adopted the Asiatic Exclusion League as its new name, using the term “asiatic” to encompass all Asian immigrants (Kurashige 93-95).Prominent figures in the Asiatic Exclusion League’s ranks included its president, Olaf Tveitmoe; the head of the Building Trades Council, Patrick Henry McCarthy; and James D. Phelan, who served as mayor of San Francisco from 1897-1902 and as a U.S. senator from 1915 to 1921 (Geiger 160). Both Tveitmoe and McCarthy were European immigrants, like many other members in the Asiatic Exclusion League. The roots of European immigration present in the League contributed to principles of “assimilable” immigrants, or those who could eventually adapt to American society, and “unassimilable” immigrants, or those unable to adapt. The League believed that Japanese immigrants, as well as other Asian immigrants, would never be able to assimilate to American society, no matter how many generations had lived within the United States (Asiatic Exclusion League Minutes, December 1907). This was a widely held belief by many white Americans, although it did not always lead to support for Japanese exclusion.Even without immediate legislative success, the exclusionists did receive certain consolations. One such consolation was the Gentlemen’s Agreement of 1907, which consisted of six notes between Roosevelt and Japanese officials that led to immigration restrictions imposed by the Japanese government (Daniels 125). The Agreement led to a limitation of Japanese immigrant laborers in the U.S. (Daniels 125). While this appeased some exclusionists, the more vocal members continued to advocate for rigid exclusion.While the Asiatic Exclusion League continued operation throughout World War I, the nation’s focus was on more pressing matters. Although the war led to a decline in Japanese exclusion efforts, such sentiments did not disappear. Anti-Japanese exclusion increased at the end of the war, leading to stricter immigration legislation and other victories for the Japanese exclusion movement throughout the 1920’s.

The Japantown Peace Plaza, located within San Francisco's Japantown, serves as a memorial to Japanese Immigrants in the United States. San Francisco's Japantown, established in the 1860s, preserves Japanese and Japanese American culture and heritage. The Peace Plaza reminds visitors of the difficult history Japanese Americans have faced in the United States, while emphasizing their strength, perseverance, and contributions to American society.<blockquote>“...that rigid exclusion is the only solution of the Oriental immigration problem” (Minutes from the Asiatic Exclusion League, December 1907).</blockquote>As the Russo-Japanese War instilled discomfort among Americans between 1904 and 1905, the largest anti-Japanese group introduced itself to society. The Japanese and Korean Exclusion League, later coined the Asiatic Exclusion League, began official operations in May of 1905. Preceding the official end of the Russo-Japanese War by about four months, the League supported the rigid exclusion of Japanese immigrants to the United States. According to historian Izumi Hirobe, the creation of the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League served as the “most symbolic” representation of the growing anti-Japanese movement in the United States (Hirobe 4). The Asiatic Exclusion League represented widely held racist beliefs not only against the Japanese, but also against all immigrants or Americans with Asian heritage. While the League, and subsequently the exclusion movement, did not make national gains in the early 20th century, their continued pressure provided a foundation for later actions against Japanese immigrants and Japanese Americans.

The Japanese and Korean Exclusion League

<blockquote>"Until now we have been protected, however imperfectly, by the Gentlemen’s Agreement concluded in President Roosevelt’s time, but the United States Congress regarded this not as a treaty but simply as a private arrangement that they were not obliged to honor" (Eiichi 85).</blockquote>The Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907 protected students and businessmen, as well as diplomats. However, the Agreement was not ratified by Congress and essentially acted exactly as its name suggests: an agreement. While it placated less vocal exclusionists, it did not eradicate anti-Japanese sentiments.After World War I ended, the Japanese suggested a racial-equality clause for the League of Nations Covenant, but received rejection from the other attending powers (Hirobe 5). Japan's suggestion, however, unnerved Japanese exclusionists. As Lon Kurashige explains, exclusionists argued that Japan's suggestion of a racial-equality clause "was an entering wedge for the elimination of exclusionary immigration policies in the United States and around the world" (Kurashige 113). A new urgency entered the exclusion movement, re-introducing calls for strict Japanese exclusion.The Immigration Act of 1924 took exclusionary policies one step further: the introduction of a national origins quota. As Peter Duus and Kenji Hasegawa explain:<blockquote>"...aimed at maintaining the ‘purity’ of American society...In 1924 the U.S. Congress passed a new immigration law that placed national quotas on all immigrants from European countries and brought an end to all immigration from Japan and the rest of Asia" (Duus and Hasegawa 50).</blockquote>The quota system of the 1924 Immigration Act stated that "the annual quota of any nationality shall be 2 per centum of the number of foreign-born individuals of such nationality resident in continental United States as determined by the United States census of 1890" (Immigration Act of 1924, 5). In addition to such quotas, any immigrants considered "aliens ineligible for citizenship" would not be permitted into the United States unless they qualified for immigration in another way, which would have called for an exceptional circumstance (Immigration Act of 1924, 7). As upheld by the Supreme Court only two years prior, Japanese immigrants were considered "ineligible for citizenship," thus the Act restricted Japanese immigration to the United States.

The U.S. Capitol serves as a symbol of American values, both progressive and regressive. The passage of bills can either lead to advancement in American society or cause disturbances. The Immigration Act of 1924 serves as an example of regressive policies that hindered the unity within the United States. Its passage negatively impacted international ties, which would later be exacerbated during World War II.<blockquote>"The Recent passage of an anti-Japanese bill by the United States Senate and Congress is a most regrettable development for those like me who have been concerned with the issue over the years" (Eiichi 81).</blockquote>Much like the Chinese Exclusion Act in the latter half of the 1800s, anti-Japanese immigration legislation made an appearance in the early to mid-1900s. However, explicit legislation against the Japanese did not make it past West Coast laws prior to World War I. While World War I slowed the passage of explicit anti-Japanese legislation, sentiments towards Japanese immigration gradually soured. With the Asiatic Exclusion League still in action, and other factors contributing to the Japanese exclusion movement, a solid foundation existed for legislation to appear that specifically excluded Japanese immigrants, as well as limiting immigration from other countries.The Immigration Act of 1924 exacerbated tension between Japan and the United States, leading to public outcry from the Japanese. Additionally, Shibusawa Eiichi mentioned in his 1924 account that, "according to the newspapers, American public opinion is severely critical of the exclusion law" (Eiichi 86). Despite disapproval in both the United States and Japan, the Act would remain in place for years. U.S.-Japanese relations experienced a steep decline after the passage of the Act, and as historian Izumi Hirobe explains, the Act<blockquote>"is recognized as one of the principal causes of the deadly clash between the United States and Japan that began in 1941" (Hirobe 1).</blockquote>While immigration restrictions were lifted for certain Asian nations during World War II, restrictions on Japanese immigration and anti-Japanese racism continued throughout the war.

The Immigration Act of 1924

On December 7, 1941, the Japanese military attack on Pearl Harbor shocked Americans and spurred them into action. As historian Roger Daniels explains,<blockquote>"the psychological impact of the attack on Pearl Harbor was tremendous...in the ensuing crisis, some of the best and worst instincts of the American people came into play" (Daniels 200-1).</blockquote>Generalizations and racial distrust erupted immediately upon the outbreak of Pearl Harbor’s attack, reflecting decades of racial discrimination against the Japanese that permeated American society. As historian John Dower explains, “to scores of millions of participants, the war was also a race war...it exposed raw prejudices and was fueled by racial pride, arrogance, and rage on many sides,” just as racial generalizations, perceptions, and hatred directed towards Japan occurred in the United States (Dower 4).On December 8, 1941, in President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Declaration of War, he stated that: <blockquote>"As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense...No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory...I asked that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire" (Roosevelt, December 1941).</blockquote>Those in attendance met the declaration with raucous applause, and the war between the United States and Japan began.

Anti-Japanese bias in the early-1900s United States strained relations between the two nations, leading to devastating consequences in the 1940s. As the Empire of Japan explored imperialism, their disdain for America led to a military attack on Pearl Harbor. The Declaration of War against the Empire of Japan, made by President Franklin D. Roosevelt at the U.S. Capitol, sparked the American people into a wartime fervor.After the Japanese military attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, the Declaration of War against the empire of Japan came swiftly. On December 8, 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared war on Japan. The United States unified against Japan with amazing speed and worked diligently to secure victory in the war. While such unification assisted with victory, it also led to racially based hatred and suspicion against the Japanese and Japanese Americans throughout the nation. The following years introduced decisions that harmed those of Japanese descent and divided American opinion on the treatment of Japanese Americans in the United States.

President Roosevelt's Declaration of War

From the moment of its declaration, radio outlets ceaselessly covered the war. National broadcasts highlighted the unified front against Japan within the United States. As one national broadcast announced: <blockquote>"The second day of the war with Japan saw demonstration of American national unity that are almost without precedent in any previous war of our history. The surprise attack of the Japanese on Pearl Harbour roused such indignation that so unified American opinion that while it won a battle for the Japanese in the long run it may have lost them the war" (Davis, December 1941, 10s. - 30s.).</blockquote>Just as news programming encouraged further unity, aired propaganda programs also promoted American unity throughout the duration of the war. Skits and talk shows, as well as daily newscasts, covered everything from the current state-of-affairs to depictions of Japan and the Japanese people. Derogatory remarks and racial slurs were appointed to the Japanese military, government, and even its people, further extending to Japanese Americans as anger increased. Radio programs did not censor offensive remarks or words towards the Japanese. In the aforementioned radio broadcast, the news anchor, Elmer Davis, declared,<blockquote>"Jap planes, I don’t suppose it’s any longer necessary for me to use the more formal term, Japanese. Jap planes bombed Singapore twice but were beaten off each time” (Davis, December 1941, 7:45 - 8:15).</blockquote>Taking this into consideration, broadcasts nationally condoned the use of offensive terminology when referencing Japan, the Japanese people, and Japanese Americans, "othering” the people of Japan as both a racially different group and a wartime enemy. Actions would move past simply stating offense, leading to crimes against human rights sparked by fear, anger, and racial hatred.

The Columbia Broadcasting System, commonly shortened to CBS, served as a national radio broadcast network during World War II. The CBS headquarters in Manhattan, New York, represents the growth of the corporation and its longevity. Currently, CBS has expanded into a television network and continues to provide the public with a news outlet, much like during the War.After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, the American people united against their common enemy. While unification against an enemy is understandable of any nation, American media outlets increasingly racialized the Japanese threat. As historian John W. Dower explained:<blockquote>"the media in the West were frequently more apocalyptic in their expression of such fears [Japanese Dominance] … Hearst newspapers declared the war in Asia totally different from that in Europe, for Japan was a ‘racial menace'" (Dower 7).</blockquote>Additionally, radio spokesmen adopted racially insensitive terminology to describe the Japanese military and the Japanese people themselves, reflecting decades-worth of racial prejudice and racism towards the Japanese that permeated the United States.

Reactions to Japanese Attack - Racial Tones of Radio

As Asian studies specialist Christina Klein offers:<blockquote>"propagandists in Washington and Hollywood depicted the Japanese as a faceless mass of subhuman enemies worthy of extermination" (Klein 4).</blockquote>With the American populace wary of a second Japanese attack, the government utilized propaganda as a tool to channel American fear into the war effort, especially encouraging support in the fight against Japan.Depictions of the Japanese threat included animalistic symbols and stereotypical Japanese caricatures. While propaganda was originally intended to target the Japanese in Japan, it did have a negative impact on Japanese Americans and Japanese immigrants in the United States. As historian Roger Daniels explains:<blockquote>"Japanese America was simply destroyed, although some of the pieces would be put back together after the war" (Daniels 187).</blockquote>A collective suspicion of the Japanese, and the belief that Japanese Americans would be loyal to Japan rather than the United States, permeated public opinion, a reflection of similar fears from the early 1900s after the Russo-Japanese War (Kurashige 87). The lasting impression of assimilation to American society and propositions that specific groups could not assimilate over time also played a factor in such mindsets. Even President Franklin D. Roosevelt, like his distant cousin Theodore before him, did not believe that the Japanese could assimilate with white Americans (Kurashige 170).Justification of actions against the Japanese in Japan, as well as Japanese Americans in the U.S., were influenced by the continued portrayal of Japan as a nation of subhuman people who would remain loyal to the emperor. As historian Brandon Seto states:<blockquote>"In publications and in the popular consciousness of the people who read them, the Japanese could exist as malicious subhuman creatures bent on the destruction of the American nation itself" (Seto 60).</blockquote>Propaganda is a powerful wartime weapon, allowing specific thoughts and principles to permeate a nation's people and influence their attitudes (Finch 370). It is apparent that the United States government capitalized on propaganda and successfully used it to influence the American people to support war efforts and identify the Japanese as an enemy in need of destruction.

The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) provides public access to thousands of national historic records throughout the country. The NARA research room in College Park, Maryland, serves as a physical location for the public to observe records and other historic materials. Records are also widely available online for those who cannot travel to physical NARA headquarters throughout the United States.<blockquote>"Throughout the twentieth century...propaganda has been one of the crucial tools of warfare and has been enlisted to manipulate the ideas, attitudes, conclusions, and tolerance levels of civilians and soldiers" (Finch 370). </blockquote>Government Propaganda is a major proponent during any war, and World War II was no exception. On top of other media methods, the United States government released numerous propaganda posters to encourage the American public to support war efforts and rally against common enemies. Unfortunately, such propaganda became a way to promote racist stereotypes against Japan and the Japanese. Both caricatures of the Japanese as well as depictions of the Japanese as animals gained traction in propaganda posters throughout 1942 to 1945. As historian John Dower explained, the United States framed the Japanese as an “other” during World War II, offering that:<blockquote>"the Western allies...persisted in their notion of the ‘subhuman’ nature of the Japanese, routinely turning to images of apes and vermin to convey this" (Dower 9). </blockquote>

National Perceptions - Propaganda Posters

President Franklin D. Roosevelt, as many presidents before him, made difficult decisions throughout his presidency. However, his decisions were impacted by the eruption of a second world war. President Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066 in 1942, and the Oval Office within the White House symbolizes the time he would have spent weighing this decision.Capitalizing on the fear and outrage that erupted after the Pearl Harbor attack, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066 on February 19, 1942, displacing and incarcerating Japanese Americans in detention centers located outside of the West coast (Executive Order 9066). Over 100,000 Japanese Americans were forcibly removed from their homes, losing their livelihoods, many possessions, and their American identities (Executive Order 9066). The historically held idea of Japanese immigrants’ inability to assimilate to American culture and thus never become an American citizen permeated many narratives, and suspicion fueled perceptions of Japanese Americans for many white Americans. As historian Lon Kurashige explains, even President Roosevelt held the notion that:<blockquote>"Japanese are unassimilable with whites" (Kurashige 170).</blockquote>Furthermore, as Brian Masaru Hayashi described, while perceived “military necessity” served as the formal factor of Japanese incarceration, public sentiment against the Japanese and Japanese Americans also fueled the decision (Hayashi 78-79). Although public opinion had many cases of hatred towards Japanese Americans, public opposition to the incarceration of Japanese Americans emerged. However, opposition to the events did not always equate to support of Japanese Americans as trustworthy citizens. In fact, historian Lon Kurashige emphasized that, even among West Coast white Americans,<blockquote>"many of those who saw them [Japanese Americans] as loyal admitted that they remained suspicious of Japanese Americans because it was difficult to tell the loyal from the disloyal" (Kurashige 172).</blockquote>According to historian Greg Robinson,<blockquote>"apart for the hearings, few commentators outside the West Coast paid much attention, positive or negative, to the military orders and the implementation of removal plans on the West Coast" (Robinson 108).</blockquote>The various regions of the United States became involved in the incarceration narrative as Order 9066 relocated Japanese Americans from the West Coast further inland. While Missouri did not have a designated Japanese American incarceration camp, Kansas Citians and surrounding citizens experienced the impact of the Order firsthand through the actions of local academic institutions, including Park College.

Executive Order 9066

The Nisei Student Relocation Commemorative Fund, established in 1980, memorializes the National Japanese American Students Relocation Council (NJASRC) through scholarships. While they are headquartered in Portland, Connecticut, the Fund assists underserved high school students throughout the United States (Nisei Student Relocation Commemorative Fund). The forced removal of Japanese American families from their established lives tore Nisei, or second-generation Japanese American, students from their programs. Formed in 1942, the same year of the infamous Executive Order 9066, the National Japanese American Student Relocation Council (NJASRC) established partnerships with colleges and universities around the country, providing Nisei students the opportunity to receive a higher education. In its first year of operation, the NJASRC established connections with 112 academic institutions around the country (Letter from Conrad, Sept. 2, 1942). Nisei students faced a difficult entrance process to approved institutions. Each Japanese American student had to be investigated and cleared by the Navy, the Army, the FBI, and the War Relocation Authority before their admittance to an approved university (Letter from Young, Aug. 28, 1942). Students also had to obtain a travel visa to travel outside of their designated incarceration center. Approved institutions stretched across the United States, with a significant amount located in the Midwest.While the NJASRC allowed Nisei students the opportunity to pursue higher education, the organization had an additional motive for its creation. The NJASRC worked to encourage better public relations between Nisei students and the general populace. The organization expected Nisei students to serve as a representative of the Japanese American community (Ito 2). Thus, high achieving students with exceptional backgrounds were approved for participation. Although there were instances of pushback from communities, the program saw success through the students, building rapport within communities that would not otherwise have such connections with Japanese Americans.

National Japanese American Student Relocation Council (NJASRC)

Parkville, a town of about 600 residents at the time, served as a suburb of the Kansas City metropolitan area. According to the 1940 census, Kansas City, Kansas, had a total Japanese population of six residents, with Kansas City, Missouri, totaling five (Sixteenth Census of the United States, 6). Considering the population of both halves of Kansas City totaled over 100,000 people, it can be assumed that Parkville would not have had a significant Japanese population among its small ranks. Thus, the people of Parkville most likely did not have previous exposure to Japanese Americans or Japanese immigrants prior to the war.Parkville, Missouri, served as the home of Park College, now Park University, a Presbyterian college established in 1875. In 1942, the President of Park College believed the admittance of Nisei students would not initially spark hostility among the people of Parkville. However, there grew to be a group of resistance within the community. Led by the Mayor of Parkville, Herbert A. Dyer, the opposition to the admittance of Nisei students at Park University was coined the "Battle of Parkville" or the "Parkville Controversy."

As Order 9066 relocated Japanese Americans from the West Coast further inland, the Midwest became involved in the incarceration narrative. While Missouri did not have a designated Japanese American incarceration camp, Kansas Citians and surrounding residents experienced the impact of the Order firsthand through the actions of academic institutions. One such institution was Park College, reclassified as Park University in 2000, located in Parkville, Missouri (History of Park University). Presently, Parkville, Missouri, located about 10 miles northwest of Kansas City, Missouri, continues to serve as Park University's home campus.

Parkville, MO - The Battle of Parkville

The President of Park College, Dr. William Lindsay Young, worked diligently to bring Japanese American students to the College in accordance with the Federal Government. Originally, Dr. Young believed the community would accept Nisei students, stating that,<blockquote>"For many years we have had orientals, including Japanese, on our campus, and have two of them on the campus at present...we have never had any difficulty on this score" (Letter from Dr. Young to Joseph Conrad, July 2, 1942).</blockquote>He thought that, since a student lived and learned on-campus, with the College serving as its own community, the residents of Parkville would not pose a true threat. However, the "Battle of Parkville" would go against his initial beliefs. Often described as a calm and soft-spoken man, Dr. Young responded to the controversy with fervent support of Nisei student admittance. He conducted a letter writing campaign, sending out 1,000 letters to community members and called for Park College alumni to also voice their opinions on the matter (Kansas City Times). Dr. Young took the time to address the hypocrisy of incarcerating and discriminating against Japanese Americans, stating in a Kansas City Times article that:<blockquote>"What about the thousands upon thousands of young men and women already in our college whose parents were born in Germany? Nothing has been said about this group. Is an American born Japanese any worse than an American born German according to our way of life? Or is war hysteria making us lose sight of our democratic ideals and the priceless guarantee that all Americans are free, equal and to have the same opportunities?" (Dr. Young quoted in the Kansas City Times, Aug. 25, 1942).</blockquote>Dr. Young's letter campaign garnered over 500 letter responses, most of which were in support of his efforts for Nisei students. His continual support of the NJASRC and Nisei students contributed to the success of Japanese American student admission at Park College. His legacy can be seen today at the Frances Fishburn Archives &amp; Special Collections at Park University, which houses the letters sent and received by Dr. Young during the "Parkville Controversy."

Park College, established in 1875, encouraged progressive admission procedures from its founding. Dr. William Lindsay Young further encouraged diverse admission through his support of Nisei students at Park.Dr. William Lindsay Young, born February 2, 1893, in Illinois, spent his life in ministry work and higher education. After becoming a pastor, he relocated to Parkville, Missouri, to start his career at Park College. He served as Executive Vice President for one year before being inaugurated as the President of Park College in October of 1937 (The Park Stylus, 1937). When the war between Japan and the United States reared its head, Dr. Young recognized the difficulties faced by second-generation Japanese students and was determined to assist them in their pursuits for a higher education. Dr. Young acted as a firm supporter of Nisei student admission at Park College and actively worked against the opposition that arose.

Main Supporter of Nisei Students - Dr. William Lindsay Young

Protests occurred on both sides of the debate: against the introduction of Nisei students within Parkville, and for their admission by students on campus. The protests within the Parkville community were led by its mayor, Herbert A. Dyer. As an editorial in the St. Louis Star Times explained,<blockquote>"the opposition is led by Mayor Herbert A. Dyer of Parkville, who is set in his conviction that young men with enemy names should not be allowed the freedom of the town... He is supported by the American Legion and the American War Mothers" (St. Louis Star Times).</blockquote>The emphasis placed on the mayor’s refusal to accept those with enemy names within the editorial reflects wartime racial “othering” that occurred. The mayor issued a hollow threat of federal court action against Dr. Young if three male Japanese American students were admitted, although the federal government had already cleared the students for admission. In Mayor Dyer’s letter to Dr. Young, he expressed that: <blockquote>"In view of the fact that you have brought Japanese males to the City contrary to the ruling of the government and the request of the city authorities, and the wishes of the citizens, you are hereby notified that unless they are removed from within the city limits of Parkville before September 1st, 1942, legal action will be taken in the Federal Court to remove them" (Letter from Mayor Dyer to Dr. Young, Aug. 21, 1942).</blockquote>The actions of Park College and the Mayor of Parkville extended past local news coverage, and even past Missouri-based news outlets, reaching states throughout the country. Dr. Young received hundreds of letters, telegrams, and other correspondence from Americans voicing their thoughts on the matter throughout the duration of the “Parkville Controversy.”

Parkville City Hall represents the main proponent of Nisei opposition: Mayor Herbert A. Dyer. His vocal disproval of Nisei admission permeated the Parkville community, leading to the "Battle of Parkville," or the "Parkville Controversy" in 1942.Word of Young’s plan to bring Japanese American students to the College spread throughout the tight-knit community of Parkville, leading to an abundance of both backlash and support. While white students mostly accepted the Nisei students, the community at large had a range of reactions. As Leslie Ito found, Young warned the Nisei students<blockquote>"that the townspeople were not pleased with the Japanese American Students’ arrival and that threats of lynching had even been made" (Ito 9).</blockquote>Such hostile attitudes began with the “Battle of Parkville,” or the “Parkville Controversy,” where residents of Platte County, Missouri, attempted to bar Nisei students from attending Park College (Ito 10). Dr. Young, students at Park College, and supporters throughout the community worked diligently to quell the threat to Japanese American students to ensure their safety and ability to attend the College. However, it proved to be a highly visible and time-consuming endeavor. The man at the forefront of the opposition was the mayor of Parkville at the time, Herbert A. Dyer.

Leader of Opposition - Mayor Herbert Dyer

While public opposition became visible through the protests led by Mayor Dyer, Dr. Young received nearly 500 letters in support of Nisei students at Park College (Letter from K.W. Given to Raphael H. Miller). For example, A.J. Mauer from the Stockyard Exchange encouraged Dr. Young, voicing in his correspondence that:<blockquote>"I greatly approve of your stand on the Japanese students for it is possible they are just as good Americans as we are and I think they should have the benefit of the doubt" (Letter from A.J. Maurer to Dr. Young, Nov. 6, 1942).</blockquote>While Mauer demonstrated support for Dr. Young’s plan in his letter, he simultaneously called Japanese American loyalty and citizenship into question. Although outwardly supportive, Maurer's inclusion of “benefit of the doubt” for Japanese American loyalty questions Nisei students and their ability to be loyal citizens to the United States.

Support despite Doubts - A.J. Maurer

The mayor of Parkville was not the only person in power within the community to object to the admission of Japanese American students. Homer Mann, a high member within the Park College faculty, voiced his concern and opinions on the admittance of Nisei students in a letter to Dr. Young. Writing from the 800 Bryant building, now located at 1102 Grand Boulevard, Mann voiced his disdain for Nisei students.Homer Mann declared that:<blockquote>"Park College has had to send some 45 or 50 boys into the Army and now we are called upon to take 10 Jap boys and educate them while our boys are out fighting the Jap Nation. It just doesn’t make sense" (Letter from Homer Mann to Dr. Young, Aug. 24, 1942).</blockquote>He continued, stating:<blockquote>"If the Government thought the Japanese people dangerous enough to move them 1,000 miles from the Pacific Coast and they are so anxious to educate them, let them start schools in their concentration camps and not unload them on us when we are located within four miles of a big Bomber Plant" (Letter from Homer Mann to Dr. Young, Aug. 24, 1942).</blockquote>Mann’s description of Japanese American incarceration camps as “concentration camps” is especially eye-opening. Mann’s blatant expression of racial hatred comes at the end of his letter, where he expresses that,<blockquote>"In common with 90% of the people in the United States, I look upon the Japanese Nation as the most treacherous race in the world" (Letter from Homer Mann to Dr. Young, Aug. 24, 1942).</blockquote>His condemnation of the entire Japanese race neglected to separate the decisions of the Japanese government from its citizens, who did not make military decisions. Thus, another example of “othering” the Japanese, and associating Japanese Americans with the enemy.Mann’s opinions on the admission of Nisei students became public knowledge through the publication of a Kansas City Star article. John A. Randall, a concerned local resident, contacted Dr. Young after the publication of Homer Mann’s opinions in the August 24, 1942, issue of the Kansas City Star. Randall objected to Mann’s statements, expressing that<blockquote>"[Mann] recommending that the College act in its treatment of a racial group of American citizens in a way to duplicate Hitler’s treatment of Jewish citizens of Germany...[and] proposing that Park College refuse to cooperate with the military policy of the United States and thus produce discord within this country as we face the enemy"</blockquote>were unacceptable and damaging to perceptions within the public (Letter from John A. Randall to Dr. Young, Aug. 25, 1942).Although support for Nisei students came in waves, the opinions of such men as Herbert A. Dyer and Homer Mann, as well as the pervasive language present in broad-based national media, were reflected in oppositional reactions by local residents.

Powerful Opposition - Homer B. Mann

Many different organizations commissioned propaganda posters during World War II. For example, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, headquartered in Kansas City, published propaganda posters during the war to encourage Americans to support the war effort and remain vigilant against common enemies.Opposition to Nisei students often reflected Japanese stereotypes that permeated propaganda efforts. The first featured poster below demonstrates a small-scale Japanese caricature. However, this poster also highlights another aspect of anti-Japanese propaganda during World War II. American propaganda separated the German people from Hitler and the Nazi regime while grouping all Japanese civilians with Emperor Hirohito and the Japanese military regime. Establishing Japanese civilians as equally threatening as the Japanese government and military led to a demonization of the entire nation rather than its specific regime of the time. As historian Lon Kurashige highlights, President Roosevelt<blockquote>"quashed fears about German and Italian enemy aliens in the United States, who, unlike their Japanese counterparts, would escape mass evacuation" (Kurashige 170).</blockquote>So, while Germany and Italy were also members of the Axis powers and participating in the war, and German and Italian Americans and immigrants experienced cases of incarceration, only Japanese Americans were evacuated and incarcerated at extreme rates. This discernment between the Germans and the Nazi regime as opposed to the Japanese as a whole demonstrates the impact of racial bias during the war.The message of the propaganda posters below, or that of generalized Japanese characters, is reflected in Homer Mann's letter to Dr. Young. His final statement exclaims that he finds the<blockquote>"Japanese Nation as the most treacherous race in the world" (Letter from Homer Mann to Dr. Young, Aug. 24, 1942).</blockquote>His statement reflects the homogenization of the Japanese people, equating all Japanese citizens and descendants into an enemy rather than separating them from their government and military. The difference between the classification of the Japanese entirely as an enemy as opposed to the Nazi regime highlights ingrained racial bias that rose to the surface during the war.

Local Perspectives reflect National Sentiments - Homer Mann

Many residents saw the situation as a Christian obligation rather than an exercise of rights by American citizens. Park College member John A. Randall, who contacted Dr. Young in concern over Homer Mann’s comments in the Kansas City Star, viewed the issue as one of Christian duty. Randall emphasized that:<blockquote>"accordingly, I know of no more pressing Christian obligation upon Park College than that of giving Christian counsel to these American students of Japanese ancestry. Ignoring this Christian obligation seems wholly out of character for the Park College Board" (Letter from John A. Randall, Aug. 25, 1942).</blockquote>Randall reflects a call to help Japanese Americans that appeared in The Christian Century earlier in 1942. In the article, "Our Japanese Refugees," author Galen M. Fisher calls Christians to extend their hand to Japanese Americans and help them in any way possible. Fisher especially highlights showing respect and friendliness to the Japanese Christian families that experienced displacement due to Executive Order 9066.While calling for unification and understanding was commendable, it may not always reflect an inherent acceptance of Japanese Americans and rather a call to follow a Christian duty instead.

Support for Nisei students came in many different shapes and sizes. For example, there were many residents who believed supporting Nisei students and protecting the rights of Japanese Americans was a Christian duty. Others understood that other immigrants had been fully accepted as American citizens and it would be hypocritical to view Japanese Americans differently. And, there were still others that offered hesitant support enshrined in their own doubts and prejudice. While this still surfaced as visible support, it perpetuated racial and cultural prejudice against Japanese Americans and immigrants that had been present in the United States for decades.

Support based on Christian duty - John A. Randall

San Diego resident, Harry L. Heaton, an alumnus of Park College, addressed the admission of Nisei students in his letter, stating that: <blockquote>"We have had an opportunity to observe the concepts and methods of Japanese over a long period of time. They have not fitted into the American scheme of life and they never will. And there can be no exceptions because the loaf already contains the predominating influence, the so-called leaven... Please believe me, Dr. Young, when I point out to you that your Japanese students there, regardless of potential promise, will react to their alien instincts and turn upon their white friends and sponsors just as soon as they are in a position to dominate the white man, or have a part in doing it" (Letter from Harry L. Heaton to Dr. Young, Aug. 29, 1942).</blockquote>Heaton reflects long-held views of anti-Japanese sentiment that had permeated the United States. As early as the 1880s, anti-Japanese sentiments held that people with Japanese ancestry would never truly assimilate to American society and culture, developing a “perpetual foreigner” ideology (Daniels 116-117). Other naysayers voiced their opinion in similar ways, drawing upon similar thoughts that had been exacerbated by fear and hatred after Pearl Harbor.

Dr. Young received approximately 500 letters of direct correspondence from those around the community, even those who had moved outside of Missouri throughout their life. While the vast majority of the letters displayed support, there were notable letters of opposition that reflected the thoughts of Mayor Dyer and Homer Mann. Opposition ranged in attitude, but oftentimes displayed hostility and instances of prejudice. Such opposition would lead to difficulties for Dr. Young and Park College in order to ensure the safety of Nisei students while also maintaining relations with the Parkville community.

Opposition based on the "Perpetual Foreigner" Concept - Harry L. Heaton

Instances of support that maintained a cautious attitude towards the acceptance of Japanese Americans also emerged. Although outwardly supportive of Japanese American students, such support continued to place caution, or even suspicion, on those with Japanese ancestry, demonstrating how supporting Nisei admission did not necessarily equate support for recognized citizenship of Japanese Americans.For example, writing from the 324 East 11th Street building in Kansas City, M.J. Slookey voiced that the United States has<blockquote>"many native born American citizens whose ancestry is countries with which we are now at war, and who have proven themselves loyal American citizens" (Letter from M.J. Slookey, Aug. 21, 1942).</blockquote>Nonetheless, she continued to caution Dr. Young, stating,<blockquote>"however, I think we must keep in mind the nature of the attack upon us by the Japanese, the restrictions which had long been placed, prior to the war, upon the acceptance of the Japanese here and the resulting feeling that does exist" (Letter from M.J. Slookey, Aug. 21, 1942).</blockquote>Slookey’s acknowledgement of the long-held suspicion and racial discrimination towards the Japanese in America highlights the foundation of the war’s racial hatred. Additionally, it offers a hint of suspicion towards Japanese Americans despite their American citizenship.

Cautious Support - M.J. Slookey

Claude Tyler's heated response to the news of the Park College student body petitioning for the admission of Nisei students offers the disdain he held for Japanese Americans and Japan. He asserted authority on the “Japanese” matter due to his residence in California, insisting that:<blockquote>"It's all a ‘front’ with them so don’t be fooled by your ‘jap’ students there, they are out for our blood. I can site you many instances of disloyalty by japs in our community both native and foreign born we have learned our lesson out here, and we have run them out or put them in jail" (Letter from Claude A. Tyler to Dr. Young, Aug. 28, 1942).</blockquote>Tyler does not reference any specific cases of Japanese American espionage or sabotage, nor does he offer any evidence of Nisei disloyalty, lessening the credibility of his accusations. Nonetheless, his accusations reflect the continued perception that Japanese Americans would be loyal to Japan despite their American birth and upbringing. Tyler’s correspondence demonstrates blatant anti-Japanese racism through the use of derogatory remarks and racial slurs, and his emphasis on the war demonstrates how the times exacerbated his racial prejudice and intolerance. Tyler poses further urgency and discrimination with his closing remark:<blockquote>"Put Your Japs Out. Now- Yours truly- Claude A. Tyler 100% American" (Letter from Claude A. Tyler to Dr. Young, Aug. 28, 1942).</blockquote>His signature as “100% American” perpetuates the idea that Japanese Americans would never be truly American.

Opposition could be relatively tame or wildly aggressive, both of course fueled by ingrained racial prejudice along with wartime fervor. A more animated opposition letter came from Claude A. Tyler, a native of Hannibal, Missouri, who had moved to California. Tyler exclaimed:<blockquote>"For Gods[sic] sake! Wake up that student body of yours! Do not they know we are at war with Japan?" (Letter from Claude A. Tyler to Dr. Young, Aug. 28, 1942).</blockquote>Tyler continued to offer his complete disapproval for Dr. Young's efforts throughout his letter, using derogatory terminology and racially insensitive language throughout.

Opposition based on ideas of "True Americans" - Claude A. Tyler

Although the opposition had been loud, discriminatory, and offensive, the support offered a different side to the controversy. Nonetheless, that did not always equate views of Japan or the Japanese in an equal light with Americans. Clarence J. Primm, a resident of Axin, Michigan, while upholding Dr. Young’s motion, equally implied Japanese inferiority in his statement that:  <blockquote>"I believe that it is entirely possible that the result of the present oriental conflict may be the virtual disappearance of the Japanese as a nationality of world importance, and perhaps even as a cohesive race. I believe that whatever is good in the Japanese development of the past should be preserved, and that the protection and development of students from that race whom circumstances have made it our duty to respect and safeguard so long as these students bear themselves honorably toward American citizens and institutions" (Letter from Clarence J. Primm to Dr. Young, Sept. 2, 1942).</blockquote>Although Primm’s support may seem innocuous, it implies the inferiority of Japanese culture and the duty of white Americans to guide Japanese Americans in a perceived correct manner. Historian John Dower emphasized the persistence of American superiority complexes above Japan, explaining that the American media and government<blockquote>"portrayed the Japanese as inherently inferior men and women who had to be understood in terms of primitivism, childishness, and collective mental and emotional deficiency" (Dower 9).</blockquote>Citizens both vehemently opposed to Japanese American assimilation and those who did not show such disdain maintained a perceived national superiority over the Japanese.

Support despite American Superiority Complex - Clarence J. Primm

Further letters demonstrated ingrained beliefs against Japanese Americans. While Judith Elliot Moon acknowledges that Nisei students are American Citizens in her correspondence from Ohio, she goes on to say:<blockquote>"I feel that I would rather have my Alma Mater made room for students whose roots are more firmly imbedded[sic] in American soil and whose loyalties could be counted on without a recommendation from the Federal Bureau of Investigation" (Letter from Judith Elliot Moon to Dr. Young, Sept. 2, 1942).</blockquote>Even without offensive language, Moon questions the loyalty of Japanese American citizens born and raised within the United States. While less agitated than other oppositional letters, Moon's response reflected an important facet of American perceptions at the time. Further opposition from both past and present Parkville residents prolonged the "Battle of Parkville" in 1942.

Opposition based on questions of Loyalty - Judith Elliot Moon

Further letters demonstrated ingrained beliefs against Japanese Americans, displaying racially based agitation that plagued the country. More agitated Parkville residents, such as Sidney K. Melton, did not refrain from the use of derogatory remarks and generalizations in their correspondence with Dr. Young.Melton accused Dr. Young of favoring the Japanese American students above those who had left for military commitment, saying that:  <blockquote>"I think it was that sixteen from Park College were now in the Armed Forces. Are they not in your mind as interested in securing that education as those seven Japs? They are willing to give their lives to eliminate that race if need be that we may carry on... Now you tell me ‘these Japs are American Born Citizens’ and I tell you, so were those sixteen boys but they have to miss this chance for their education until the war is over, now I’M asking you, are these Japs better than our own boys? Why not these Japs miss out on their education until this war is over, if they are American Born citizens let them get in the Armed forces or get to work until this is over? Surely if they are American Born citizens we could trust them in our War Plants, or could we?" (Letter from Sidney K. Melton to Dr. Young, Sept. 12, 1942).</blockquote>Melton’s concern for students who entered the military, though understandable, ignored the fact that Japanese Americans were entering the war to fight on the United States’ behalf (Ito 7). Additionally, Japanese Americans had been forced to sacrifice their homes, livelihoods, and rights as citizens in the name of U.S. national security. So, through an “othering” of Japanese Americans into an unassimilable and disloyal group within the United States due to Japan’s actions, Melton, and many other white Americans, neglected the suffering of Japanese Americans during the war.  The opposition led by the Mayor of Parkville and made known by correspondence from local and national citizens, led Dr. Young to decrease his original quota of Nisei student admission. Dr. Young informed potential candidates of the dilemma, and in a letter to Ray McAfee he stated that:  <blockquote>"I regret that we cannot accept more Japanese into our community. The presence of our small group is creating some feeling, but I think we are going to survive it. The admittance of more, however, might jeopardize the good we can do with this limited number of ten or twelve" (Letter from Dr. Young to Ray McAfee, Sept. 2, 1942).</blockquote>Such concerns were further confirmed when the Executive Secretary of student relocation, Joseph Conrad, stated that<blockquote>"at present no students are being granted travel permits to go to Park College. As you probably know, there was a recent disturbance in Parkville, and President Young has asked us to send no more students than the ten who are there or on their way" (Quoted in letter from Gordon K. Chapman to President Young, Sept. 14, 1942).</blockquote>However, while admittance was kept to a strict quota for a time, the continued support that came in mass allowed for the continuation of Nisei student admission at Park College.

Opposition with Racially Based Agitation - Sidney K. Melton

The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) houses World War II propaganda posters. The NARA Research Center in Washington, D.C., allows the public to view historic materials in-person. For those who cannot travel to the physical NARA locations around the country, many documents and artifacts are available digitally through the NARA online archives."Tokio Kid" was a recurring image depicting the Japanese during World War II. As Brandon Seto explains, the depictions of the Japanese in media allowed the American people to view the Japanese as inhuman threats that would not surrender until the United States fell (Seto 60). However, such depictions were based on encounters with the Japanese military, not civilians. Thus, American propaganda generalized the Japanese populace based on portrayals of military combatants. On top of this, the depictions further established the Japanese as inhuman or subhuman, further separating the Japanese from accurate depictions in American propaganda. The following "Tokio Kid" poster displays a vampiric figure, with large fangs and pointed ears, to represent the Japanese enemy. Improper English grammar is used when depicting the thoughts of "Tokio Kid," intended to mock Japanese accents. The appearance of "Tokio Kid" provided a completely inhuman character for Americans to project onto Japan, making later horrors that occurred against the Japanese easier to accept.Melton's racially based agitation towards Japanese Americans and immigrants reflected sentiments held towards the Japanese perpetuated by propaganda efforts and long-held racial prejudice. Melton exclaims:<blockquote>"I think it was that sixteen from Park College were now in the Armed Forces. Are they not in your mind as interested in securing that education as those seven Japs? They are willing to give their lives to eliminate that race if need be that we may carry on" (Sidney K. Melton, Sept. 12, 1942, Page 1).</blockquote>Melton emphasizes how American forces would work towards the elimination of the Japanese if necessary, highlighting the call for eradication or extermination as pushed by previously featured propaganda posters. Such a view also reflects the dehumanization of the Japanese people, calling to mind the vampiric and inhuman appearance of the "Tokio Kid" caricature.Melton continues, stating that:<blockquote>"I do consider my son a lot better than any Jap, they have always been yellow and always will be whether they were Born in Japan or Kansas City" (Sidney K. Melton, Sept. 12, 1942, Page 2).</blockquote>This statement reflects the ingrained ideas of assimilable versus unassimilable immigrants and Americans, demonstrating racial bias against those with Japanese heritage. Although Melton believed he was being a loyal American, even stating so in the final paragraph of his letter, he served as an example of permeating racial bias and hatred that intensified during the war.

Local Perspective reflects National Sentiments - Sidney K. Melton

While there were occurrences of support based on Christian obligation, or even support enshrined in doubt or prejudice, there were still other examples of support for Nisei student attendance around the community. Such supporters appeared to have a broader understanding of the complexity of the situation. While the Japanese Empire posed a significant threat to the nation, there were Americans who understood the separation between Japan and Japanese Americans. However, this did not always reflect an understanding of the Japanese people separate from their government and military.Attorney Max L. Weinberg, writing from the W.C.U. Building in Illinois, provided a nuanced argument, offering that: <blockquote>"Our refusal to receive native-born Japanese into our colleges seems very narrow-minded and to refuse to do so will at this time work a great hardship upon the Federal Government...Also it appears to me, that to refuse to do so will only add fuel to the already racial-hatred for which we bitterly condemn Hitler’s regime for at this time" (Letter from Max L. Weinberg to Dr. Young, Aug. 28, 1942).</blockquote>Additional residents shared Weinberg’s sentiments throughout the duration of the "Battle of Parkville."

Support to combat Racial Intolerance - Max L. Weinberg

Additional nuanced arguments of support came from various residents. As Sargeant Ray W. Davis, stationed in Camp Adair, Oregon, expressed in his letter,<blockquote>"the persecution of your students by the warlike Mothers [Club] will not help win our war" (Letter from Sgt. Ray W. Davis to Dr. Young, Sept. 7, 1942).</blockquote>Davis emphasized how persecution of citizens at home did not help the war front, but rather created divides within the United States that would be quite damaging. Another supporter, Parkville resident Merle L. Piper, in a letter sent to Mayor Dyer, highlighted how: <blockquote>"Consistency would demand that all those young people of German and Italian background be treated in the same manner as you are insisting these of Japanese background be treated. Neither you or I are responsible for our heritage of birth. Neither are these young people who are to be enrolled at Park this Fall" (Letter from Merle L. Piper to Mayor Herbert A. Dyer, Aug. 30, 1942).</blockquote>Persistent local and national support for the admittance of Nisei students at Park College demonstrated a divide in national opinions on Japanese Americans in the United States. However, support for Nisei Students at Park College did not always reflect an acceptance of Japanese Americans as fully American citizens, nor did it always reflect a sense of trust towards the students or their families. Such differences in thoughts reflect the findings of social scientist Brian Masaru Hayashi, who determined that white Americans in different educational and professional backgrounds had varying understandings of “race” and “culture" (Hayashi 4).Diverse reactions to Japanese American incarceration, Nisei student attendance, and other issues related to the loyalty and citizenship of Japanese Americans could be due to the various professional and cultural ideas that spread throughout the United States. However, considering the small Japanese population within the area prior to the beginning of the war, the onslaught of support, however conditional, was a shocking find.By the end of 1942, the "Battle of Parkville," or the “Parkville Controversy,” mostly dissolved due to the support and encouragement the school received. As Reverend Gordon K. Chapman remarked in a letter to Dr. Young,<blockquote>"I am very glad to hear that things have adjusted themselves at Parkville and that you no longer have to put up with objections from the local community" (Letter from Gordon K. Chapman to Dr. Young).</blockquote>While Nisei students were still cautioned when moving outside of the Park College campus, outright hostility was not as prevalent in the community as originally believed.

Support reflecting Fair Treatment of Citizens - Sgt. Ray W. Davis and Merle L. Piper

Park College continued to be home to progressive and supportive thoughts and actions towards Japanese Americans throughout the war. John W. Wilkinson expressed in his 1943 letter to Dr. Young: <blockquote>"In a world in which hatred and kindred emotions seem to have blotted out all semblance of reason, and bigotry under the name of patriotism has succeded[sic] the small amount of tolerance which has seeped slowly into our consciousness, I would like to think that Park is doing a small bit in maintaining these forgotten virtues. Hold fast to the course you have set for Park" (Letter from John W. Wilkinson, Sept. 11, 1943).</blockquote>Park College represented a beacon, a reflection of one side of the American ideas on Japanese Americans in the United States during World War II. However, while discourse on Japanese Americans saw both support and opposition and a call for democracy and understanding, anti-Japanese sentiments remained mostly steadfast throughout the war. While white Americans did not all agree on the plight of Japanese Americans, a certain unity permeated thoughts and opinions towards Japan and the Japanese people. While Park College served as an example of citizens working past prejudices against Japanese Americans throughout the course of the war, national and local perceptions of Japan were still indicative of racial hatred and prejudice against the Japanese people. While newspapers especially utilized anti-Japanese slurs and shocking headlines to solidify Japan as the ultimate enemy, radio programs also contributed to such sentiments. A Columbia Recording Corp radio program, aired on March 16, 1943, used a dramatized skit to portray situations occurring in China, representing the Japanese military specifically. Within this skit, the characters always addressed the enemy as “the Japanese,” and after the skit, the guest speaker, Dr. Tsune Chi Yu, is introduced as:<blockquote>"the man who is in a position to know firsthand...about the brutal methods of our enemy, the Japanese" (Nathan Van Cleave et al., program #43, 10:50 - 11:08).</blockquote>Labeling “the Japanese” as the enemy insinuates that every single Japanese person is the enemy, not simply the government or military, increasing suspicion of all Japanese people despite their distance from military decisions. At the end of Dr. Yu’s address, which provided insight into the measures the Japanese military took within China, the narrator returns to abruptly announce, “this is our enemy" (Nathan Van Cleave et al., program #43, 13:23). Again, firmly establishing the Japanese as the enemy rather than Emperor Hirohito, his regime, or the Japanese military alone.In contrast, the media addressed the Nazi regime as such, with one radio program going as far as labeling the enemy in Europe as Hitler, even referring to his regime as “Hitlerism,” rather than demonizing the entirety of Germany (Nathan Van Cleave et. al, program #42, 11:00). The Japanese enemy permeated the country through both radio programming and newspaper articles. As historian John Dower emphasizes, the Japanese were<blockquote>"perceived as a race apart, even a species apart – and an overpoweringly monolithic one at that…there was no Japanese counterpart to the ‘good German’ in the popular consciousness of the Western Allies" (Dower 8).</blockquote>Many of the portrayals and representations within the media took a racialized edge that the German threat did not experience.  On a national scale, there were radio broadcasts and other media that warned against the persecution of Japanese Americans. For example, the radio program “The Boy from Nebraska,” addressed the abhorrent treatment of Japanese Americans within the United States. The program is a dramatized story of a Japanese American soldier from Nebraska who did not receive a Purple Heart, even though he was injured while saving others, and then faces hatred at home from white Americans for his Japanese lineage (The Boy from Nebraska). As the program continues, it mentions occurrences of Japanese American discrimination throughout the United States. One example addressed a sign in an Arizona barbershop that read, “Japs keep out, you rats!,” to which the narrator emphasizes,<blockquote>“he [shop owner] doesn’t mean the emperor of Japan, or the emperor’s soldiers, or the emperor’s people – he means the boy from Nebraska" (The Boy from Nebraska, Oct. 17, 1945, 7:00 - 7:45).</blockquote>While such programs brought national mindsets on Japanese Americans into question, and local reactions to different situations also demonstrated the complexity of Japanese American sentiments during World War II, they did not offer much variation on the views of Japan and its people.

KMBC was a major radio news station in Kansas City during World War II. KMBC aired both national and local radio programs that covered wartime events, propaganda, and news. Since World War II, KMBC has expanded into television broadcasting and continues to provide the Kansas City area with news broadcasts.Wartime media allowed for the persistent spread of opinions against common enemies of the time. As historian Roger Daniels explains,<blockquote>"the psychological impact of the attack on Pearl Harbor was tremendous...in the ensuing crisis, some of the best and worst instincts of the American people came into play" (Daniels 200-1).</blockquote>Radio news outlets covered the shocking attack by the Japanese military across the country, with national broadcasts aired on KMBC, a major Kansas City radio station. Generalizations and racial distrust erupted immediately upon the outbreak of Pearl Harbor’s attack, reflecting decades of racial discrimination against the Japanese that permeated American society. As historian John Dower explains,<blockquote>"to scores of millions of participants, the war was also a race war...it exposed raw prejudices and was fueled by racial pride, arrogance, and rage on many sides" (Dower 4).</blockquote>

National Perceptions - Radio Reactions

<blockquote>"American perceptions of the Chinese and Japanese can change between perilous threat and paternalistic ward in relation to U.S. perspectives, beliefs, and current interests..." (Seto 57). </blockquote>From radio personnel incorporating racially insensitive words into their broadcasts, to white Americans addressing Japanese Americans and the Japanese in racially offensive terms in correspondence, blatant anti-Japanese racism persisted throughout the war. Although fear and anger from the war influenced the sheer acceptance of terminology and sentiments in personal and public opinion, it was far from a newly developed concept in the United States. Thus, a purveying anti-Japanese sentiment, based in early 20th century arguments of assimilability and American superiority, rested in American society. Such sentiments re-emerged during crises, such as the success of Japan in the Russo-Japanese War, Japanese Imperial power and the attack on Pearl Harbor during World War II, and even the fear of Japanese-made goods in the 1980s. Blatant wartime racism was fueled by this inherent anti-Japanese sentiment that maintained a foothold in the 20th century. Both Japanese Americans and the people of Japan suffered from “othering” by the American people. While “othering” of Japanese nationals increased due to wartime mindsets against an opposing nation, Japanese Americans experienced “othering” due to racial prejudice among white Americans. Japanese American loyalty constantly fell under scrutiny due to their Japanese heritage. Even Americans who supported Nisei students and considered Japanese Americans loyal citizens projected prejudices that permeated American society. While many Americans may not have intended to harm Japanese Americans through their prejudice, the “othering” of Japan and Japanese Americans harmed an entire demographic in the United States throughout the duration of the war. From local perceptions of Nisei students in Parkville, Missouri, to nationally broadcast radio personality’s opinions, the perpetuation of anti-Japanese sentiment during World War II was highly pervasive. However, opinions held on Japanese Americans as compared to the Japanese people seemed more diverse and complex. Nonetheless, this did not lessen the racial hatred that was present among Americans within the United States and abroad. The support for Nisei student admittance at Park College by a community with little contact with Japanese American communities offers that nationally ingrained ideals do not always dictate the outcome of societal decisions. Nevertheless, this does not negate the long-standing anti-Japanese sentiments that have plagued American society. Racial hatred could be perpetuated by misinformation, generalizations, or seemingly harmless comments that demonstrate signs of prejudice. The active decision to address and move past ingrained prejudice, while supporting those who have been discriminated against within society, can lead to progress.

The “Battle of Parkville” reflected complex national sentiments that surrounded the incarceration of Japanese Americans and anti-Japanese sentiments during World War II. The extensive support that Park College received, in a community without much exposure to Japanese Americans, served as a surprise. While opposition occurred, it often reflected a long-standing national anti-Japanese narrative exacerbated by wartime fervor. Furthermore, how Americans voiced their opinions locally and nationally demonstrated acceptable language and thoughts of the time.

Anti-Japanese Racism in WWII: Park University vs. National Sentiments

About the Project

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