Orange County Union Hall (Laborers Local 652)

This union headquarters became the center of action leading to the Drywall Workers strike across Orange County in 1992. Jesus Gomez, an immigrant drywall worker, began to organize the protest in response to a pay dispute with a drywall contractor (Milkman 2006, p.170). The official strike began on June 1st, 1992 when drywall workers demanded better pay and a union for their labor. By July, nearly ninety drywall workers were arrested after participating in a protest in Mission Viejo. In response to these actions by local law enforcement, the wives and children of the laborers protested outside the Santa Ana men’s correctional facilities (Hall and Flagg, 1992). The demonstration took place during a critical stage of the labor movement in Southern California, an area that had become increasingly dependant on labor performed by immigrants. This strike led to more awareness of the history of organized labor as workers saw collective action as a way to combat practices they felt were unfair in hopes of earning better wages and working conditions (Wong, 2014). The Orange County Union Hall was a significant meeting place for many in the area, offering a space where workers could discuss strategies.

Orange County consisted of a predominantly white population from the 1960s through 1970s, however immigrant workers have continuously weaved themselves into these communities by providing blue-collar labor (Waheed et al, 2014, p. 24). During the 1960s, the industrial economy was built off unionized labor where workers enjoyed a median income lifestyle. Post-1967, the labor force largely included undocumented immigrant workers receiving work in manufacturing and service for low-wage nonunion jobs (Brodkin, 2007, p. 21). Gomez mentions, his pay was around $120 for an 8-hour workday, however, after 1991, it was significantly decreased to $40, making it impossible for him to maintain his family financially. Gomez acknowledges the decrease in wages could be traced to the immigrant population’s need for work (Milkman, 2000, p. 40). However, the pocketing of wages from workers by foremen led Gomez and other drywall workers to strike. 

The political climate before this time period sustained an anti-immigrant sentiment. The National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933 fueled grassroots responses by unions. Most notably the immigrant dressmaker workers' walkout dismantled the belief that immigrants were unable and unskilled to organize. After the first day of their strike, the Garment Manufacturers Association agreed to negotiate a settlement (Laslett, 2014, p.132). The Drywall Worker’s strike continued to demonstrate the ability of immigrant workers to organize themselves to gain socioeconomic mobility. However, the fear of an ethnically diverse community fueled backlash from American citizens. Proposition 187 of 1994 prevented undocumented immigrants from using healthcare, education, and several other services in California. Prop. 187 was culminated by Bob and Barbara Kylie, Orange County natives, that sought an opportunity to engage in a large campaign by disenfranchising immigrants (Hinojosa Ojeda & Schey, 1995). Kylie's positions are indicative of the white privilege in the Orange County population, ignoring immigrant communities as the builders of the towns and cities in the area. 

The sweat and toil of work from immigrant laborers often is ignored, masked by the largely homogeneous and wealthy "white" populace (UCI Libraries, 2009). The drywall workers strike demonstrated the capabilities of immigrant workers to disrupt the construction of homes and facilities in order to make a stand for themselves. Gomez said their efforts were largely followed and persecuted by construction companies and local law enforcement. Workers were arrested and deported to Mexico, however, they would find their way back to continue to strike (Milkman, 2000, p. 41). These demonstrations escalated from Ventura County to San Diego County, creating a band of drywall workers against the odds of wealthy construction companies. The drywall workers did not relent and pushed their efforts by gaining media coverage. In an intense battle, drywall workers closed down a Hollywood highway, the first highway closure due to a strike (Malnic & Reyes, 1992). Beginning the strike at the Orange County Union Hall, the drywall workers did not have any guidance or experience in mobilizing, however they were able to execute strikes and build partnerships with leading community organizations. With the aid of a labor attorney, drywall workers submitted nine lawsuits against previous employers, representing 1,000 drywall workers from Orange, San Bernardino, Ventura, Riverside, and San Diego counties (Reyes, 1992). 

The fight for immigrant workers continues to persist through efforts most prominently shown in a “day without immigrants” demonstration. Thousands of businesses were impacted by the boycott of immigrants demonstrating their ability to mobilize (Gorman et al, 1996). This boycott further indicates the power immigrant workers can rally along with the notion that workers want to improve their conditions and seek real change. Furthermore, this demonstration was built off past precedent of immigrant workers' mobilization in the past, deconstructing the preconceived notion that immigrant laborers are incapable and do not want to mobilize.

Immigrant workers, drywall workers, built Orange Country through their labor, and their request to seek fair compensation was a struggle. The Orange County Union Hall was the first location that provided strikers grounds to not only organize but support in their efforts. Against all odds, these workers defended their rights themselves instead of waiting to be organized. This bottom-up demonstration placed a differing view in the eyes of the public, recognizing that immigrant workers are able to mobilize, and the fruit of their labor–labor that has constructed Orange County–deserves fair compensation and working conditions. The Orange County Union Hall, currently named Local 652, continues to provide a holistic and inviting space for immigrant workers. Local 652 acts as a union body providing members with occupational training and a health and safety fund. These union benefits are more than the drywall worker could ask for, however as Gomez mentioned, “...there are still a lot of people taking advantage of workers” (Milkman, 2000, p. 44), and plenty of work to be done!

Works Cited 

Brodkin, K. (2007). Making Democracy Matter: Identity and Activism in Los Angeles (Illustrated ed.). Rutgers University Press. 

Gorman, A., Miller, M., & Landsberg, M. (2006, May 2). Marcher’s fill L.A.’s streets. LA Times. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-may-02-me-main2-story.html

Hall, L., & Flagg, M. (1992, July 3). Drywall strikers jailed en masse in O.C. standoff. LA Times. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-07-03-mn-1446-story.html

Hinojosa Ojeda, R., & Schey, P. (1995). Manifest Destiny’s Last Stand? Proposition 187 and the Future of North American Labor and Human Rights. In Defense of the Alien, 99–125. 

Laslett, J. H. M. (2014). Sunshine Was Never Enough: Los Angeles Workers, 1880–2010 (First ed.). University of California Press.

Libraries, U. C. I. (2009). UCI Libraries - Immigrant Lives in the OC and Beyond. Copyright (c) 2009 The Regents of the University of California. https://www.lib.uci.edu/sites/all/exhibits/immigrant/index.php

Waheed, S., Romero, H., & Sarmiento, C. (2014). Orange County on the Cusp of Change. UCI Community & Labor Project and the UCLA Labor Center, 1–53. 

Malnic, E., & Reyes, D. (1992, July 24). 68 Drywall Workers Seized as Protest Blocks Freeway: Labor: Employees seeking higher pay scuffle with police. Some complain of excessive use of force. Los Angeles Times, 1–2.

Milkman, R. (2000). Voices From the Front Lines: Organizing Immigrant Workers in Los Angeles (English and Spanish Edition) (1st ed.). UCLA, Center for Labor Research and Education. 

Milkman, R. (2006). L. A. story: immigrant workers and the future of the U.S. labor movement. Choice Reviews Online, 170–177. https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.44-3950

Reyes, D. (1992, July 3). SANTA ANA Drywall Workers Rally for Solidarity. Los Angeles Times, 1–2.

Wong, K. (2014). A New Labor Movement for a New Working Class: Unions, Worker Centers, and Immigrants. Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law, 36(1), 205–213.